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The Tonal Comparisons and Contrasts between Taiwanese and Taiwan Mandarin
Wi-Vun Taiffalo Chiung
The University of Texas at Arlington
A: Traditional Taiwanese tonal categories according to Cheng.
Samples |
君 [kun] gentle |
滾 [kun] boil |
棍 [kun] stick |
骨 [kut] bone |
裙 [kun] skirt |
- |
近 [kun] near |
滑 [kut] slippery |
Traditional Tone Categories |
陰平 im-peng |
陰上 im-siong |
陰去 im-khi |
陰入 im-jip |
陽平 iong-peng |
陽上 iong-siong |
陽去 iong-khi |
陽入 iong-jip |
Traditional Tone Numbers |
1st |
2nd |
3rd |
4th |
5th |
6th |
7th |
8th |
Tonal Values of Five Scales |
55 |
53 |
21 |
32 |
13 |
33 |
54 |
|
Graphical Five Scales |
||||||||
Descriptions |
Hl |
Hf |
Lf |
Ms |
Lr |
Ml |
Hs |
|
HH |
HM |
ML |
Mc |
LM |
MM |
Hc |
H=High (or +High, -Low); M=Mid (or -High, -Low); L=Low (-High, +Low)
l=level, f=falling, r=rising, s=short, c=checked (when p,t,k,h in the final)
B: Traditional Mandarin tonal categories according to Chao.
Samples |
媽 [ma] mother |
麻 [ma] sesame |
馬 [ma] horse |
罵 [ma] blame |
Traditional Tone Categories |
陰平 im-peng |
陽平 iong-peng |
上聲 siong |
去聲 khi |
Traditional Tone Numbers |
1st |
2nd |
3rd |
4th |
Tonal Values of Five Scales |
55 |
35 |
214 |
51 |
Graphical Five Scales |
||||
Descriptions |
Hl |
Hr |
Lf-r |
Hf |
Five criteria to be measured. Angle *1, *2, ROT (Ratio of Tone; AB to BC), BOT (Beginning of Tone), and DOT (Duration of Tone).
T: 國軍, 水在滾, 真好睏, 排骨, 短裙, 命運, 路真滑.
M: 保溫, 作文, 接吻, 學問
11 females and 11 males. Taiwanese students at UTA. Average age is 27, ranging from 22-38. T-M bilingual.
4 repetitions of each word are recorded in a cassetteà PC with Computerised Extraction of Components Intonation of Language (CECIL)à MS Excel .
Paired t-test. 0.05 p value to reject null hypothesis.
The shape of T-tone 1 should be phonetically regarded as a slight curve rather than a traditional straight line. It's a slightly falling and then rising contour at an average of 0.776 degrees MOTTA of curve. The average ratio of falling length to rising length is 1.052.
T-Tone 1 |
ROT |
*1 |
*2 |
BOT |
DOT |
mean |
1.052 |
-0.051 |
0.776 |
41.7 |
238 |
sd. |
0.051 |
0.183 |
0.021 |
0.7 |
171 |
highest |
3.272 |
0.274 |
2.040 |
47.5 |
385 |
lowest |
0.000 |
-0.417 |
0.000 |
34.1 |
140 |
T-tone 2 is a high falling tone at an average of -2.057 degrees MOTTA of falling.
T-Tone 2 |
ROT |
*1 |
*2 |
BOT |
DOT |
mean |
0.041 |
-2.057 |
-0.691 |
42.9 |
118 |
sd. |
0.000 |
0.733 |
0.093 |
743.0 |
81 |
highest |
0.231 |
-1.094 |
0.000 |
51.0 |
205 |
lowest |
0.000 |
-3.890 |
-5.291 |
35.7 |
50 |
T-tone 3 is a mid falling tone at an average of -2.767 degrees MOTTA.
T-Tone 3 |
ROT |
*1 |
*2 |
BOT |
DOT |
mean |
0.003 |
-2.767 |
0.300 |
40.2 |
86 |
sd. |
0.000 |
1.218 |
0.090 |
0.9 |
83 |
highest |
0.063 |
-1.146 |
6.296 |
48.3 |
165 |
lowest |
0.000 |
-4.694 |
0.000 |
33.2 |
20 |
T-tone 4 is a mid short falling tone at an average of -1.338 degrees MOTTA. And the average DOT is 69 msec. My measurements reveals that there is no significant difference between T-tone 4 and T-tone 8 among the 22 subjects.
T-Tone 4 |
ROT |
*1 |
*2 |
BOT |
DOT |
mean |
0.063 |
-1.338 |
-0.294 |
39.8 |
69 |
sd. |
0.001 |
0.598 |
0.023 |
0.7 |
17 |
highest |
0.444 |
-0.353 |
0.000 |
47.0 |
95 |
lowest |
0.000 |
-2.545 |
-2.578 |
31.3 |
25 |
T-tone 5 is a low falling and then rising tone at an average of 1.773 degrees MOTTA of curve. The average ratio of falling length to rising length is 1.916.
T-Tone 5 |
ROT |
*1 |
*2 |
BOT |
DOT |
mean |
1.916 |
-0.538 |
1.773 |
37.8 |
227 |
sd. |
0.220 |
0.663 |
0.042 |
1.0 |
423 |
highest |
8.999 |
0.400 |
3.535 |
44.7 |
450 |
lowest |
0.000 |
-2.555 |
0.000 |
29.1 |
35 |
T-tone 7 is a low level tone at BOT 38.0.
T-Tone 7 |
ROT |
*1 |
*2 |
BOT |
DOT |
mean |
0.091 |
0.296 |
-0.048 |
38.0 |
257 |
sd. |
0.008 |
0.501 |
0.002 |
0.9 |
209 |
highest |
2.000 |
2.454 |
0.000 |
46.2 |
390 |
lowest |
0.000 |
-0.070 |
-1.050 |
30.5 |
110 |
My measurements reveal that there is no significant difference between T-tone 8 and T-tone 4 among the 22 subjects.
T-Tone 8 |
ROT |
*1 |
*2 |
BOT |
DOT |
mean |
0.184 |
-1.229 |
-0.124 |
40.1 |
76 |
sd. |
0.011 |
0.726 |
0.036 |
0.7 |
81 |
highest |
2.000 |
-0.109 |
1.337 |
48.9 |
210 |
lowest |
0.000 |
-2.934 |
-2.864 |
30.4 |
20 |
M-tone 1 is a level tone at BOT 38.2. M-tone 1 is phonemically regarded as high level tone in Mandarin tonal system, and it's said to be equal to Taiwanese tone 1. However, my measurements reveal that M-tone 1 should be phonetically close to Taiwanese tone 7 rather than T-tone1. It would be better to describe M-tone 1 as a mid level (22) tone if we compare its BOT with other Mandarin tonal categories.
M-Tone 1 |
ROT |
*1 |
*2 |
BOT |
DOT |
mean |
0.000 |
0.727 |
0.000 |
38.2 |
262 |
sd. |
0.000 |
0.006 |
0.000 |
0.9 |
130 |
highest |
0.000 |
1.319 |
0.000 |
44.3 |
360 |
lowest |
0.000 |
0.207 |
0.000 |
30.8 |
180 |
M-tone 2 is traditionally regarded as a rising tone, but my measurements reveal that it should be a falling and then rising tone at an average of 1.567 degrees MOTTA of curve. And the average ratio of falling length to rising length is 1.079. It would be better to describe M-tone 2 as a mid falling-rising (212) tone based on my phonetic measurements.
M-Tone 2 |
ROT |
*1 |
*2 |
BOT |
DOT |
mean |
1.079 |
0.182 |
1.567 |
36.4 |
244 |
sd. |
0.046 |
0.096 |
0.597 |
1.0 |
297 |
highest |
4.125 |
6.454 |
17.544 |
43.1 |
440 |
lowest |
0.000 |
-0.702 |
0.000 |
28.2 |
110 |
M-tone 3 is traditionally described as a falling and then rising tone. But, my measurements reveal that it should be a falling tone at an average of -1.8 degrees MOTTA of falling. It would be better to describe M-tone 3 as a mid falling (31) tone based on my phonetic measurements.
M-Tone 3 |
ROT |
*1 |
*2 |
BOT |
DOT |
mean |
0.357 |
-1.800 |
0.230 |
40.2 |
134 |
sd. |
0.070 |
0.029 |
0.028 |
0.8 |
189 |
highest |
5.377 |
-0.353 |
3.260 |
46.3 |
295 |
lowest |
0.000 |
-3.352 |
0.000 |
32.0 |
50 |
M-tone 4 is traditionally regarded as a high falling tone. But, my measurements reveal that it's a rising and then falling tone (453) at an average of -2.524 degrees MOTTA of curve. And the average ratio of rising length to falling length is 0.45.
M-Tone 4 |
ROT |
*1 |
*2 |
BOT |
DOT |
mean |
0.450 |
-0.960 |
-2.524 |
42.2 |
153 |
sd. |
0.003 |
0.015 |
0.032 |
0.9 |
140 |
highest |
1.071 |
0.079 |
0.000 |
47.0 |
265 |
lowest |
0.000 |
-1.957 |
-3.640 |
33.8 |
65 |
T1 |
T2 |
T3 |
T4 |
T5 |
T7 |
T8 |
||
M1 | *1 | - |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
*2 | - |
- |
*2 |
- |
- |
*2 |
*2 |
|
ROT | - |
- |
ROT |
- |
- |
ROT |
- |
|
BOT | - |
- |
- |
- |
BOT |
BOT |
- |
|
DOT | - |
- |
- |
- |
- |
DOT |
- |
|
M2 | *1 | *1 |
- |
- |
- |
- |
*1 |
- |
*2 | *2 |
- |
*2 |
- |
*2 |
- |
- |
|
ROT | - |
- |
- |
- |
ROT |
- |
- |
|
BOT | - |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
DOT | DOT |
- |
- |
- |
DOT |
DOT |
- |
|
M3 | *1 | - |
*1 |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
*2 | - |
- |
*2 |
- |
- |
*2 |
*2 |
|
ROT | - |
ROT |
ROT |
ROT |
- |
ROT |
ROT |
|
BOT | - |
- |
BOT |
BOT |
- |
- |
BOT |
|
DOT | - |
DOT |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
M4 | *1 | - |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
*1 |
*2 | - |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
ROT | - |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
BOT | BOT |
BOT |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
DOT | - |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
Tonal comparisons between Taiwanese and Taiwan Mandarin |
|||||||
Taiwanese |
T1 |
T2 |
T3 |
T4 |
T5 |
T7 |
T8 |
Mandarin |
M2 |
M3(M4) |
M3 |
M3 |
M2 |
M1 |
M3 |
The table above will be helpful for learning Taiwanese tonemes through the tonal comprehension of Taiwan Mandarin. When learning Taiwanese 1st tone, learners in Taiwan were taught to catch it through Taiwan Mandarin tone 1. But, my study surprised me that T-tone 1 is phonetically close to M-tone 2 rather than M-tone 1. T-tone 4 and T-tone 8 are checked tones, which don't occur in Taiwan Mandarin. Therefore, the duration of M-tone 3 must be short while learning T-tone 4 and T-tone 8 through the comprehension of M-tone 3.
New Tonemes or Alltones? [Click here to get a graphic tonal contoures]
New descriptions of Taiwanese tonemes based on my findings.
Traditional Tone Numbers |
1st |
2nd |
3rd |
4th |
5th |
6th |
7th |
8th |
Tonal Values of Five Scales |
434 |
53 |
31 |
32 |
212 |
- |
22 |
32 |
New descriptions of Taiwan Mandarin tonemes based on my findings.
Traditional Tone Numbers |
1st |
2nd |
3rd |
4th |
Tonal Values of Five Scales |
22 |
212 |
31 |
453 |
My measurements reveal that all the Taiwanese tonal categories except the low level Toneme 7, share falling departures with either rising or falling endings. And all the Taiwan Mandarin tonal categories except the mid level toneme 1, share falling departures with either rising or falling endings.
In comparing Taiwanese with Taiwan Mandarin, both of these two languages share the falling departures. We may assume there is a falling tendency in both Taiwanese and Taiwan Mandarin. The factor that caused the Beijing Mandarin Toneme 2 and Toneme 3 to switch to Taiwan Mandarin Toneme 2 and Toneme 3 might be the falling tendency. The falling tendency of Taiwan Mandarin might be the influence of Taiwanese.
In short, we may predict that the Taiwanese 1st toneme will become a high falling and then rising tone in contrast with the low falling and rising (212) of the Taiwanese 5th toneme. In addition, we may predict that the Mandarin 2nd toneme in Taiwan is becoming a falling-rising (212) tone. The Mandarin 3rd toneme in Taiwan is becoming a falling (31) tone.Selected References
Ang, Ui-jin. (
洪惟仁) 1985. 台灣河佬語聲調研究(The tonal study of Taiwanese) Taipei: Independence Press.Chao, Y. R. 1994.
中國話的文法(A Grammar of Spoken Chinese). Taiwan edition. Taipei: Student Press.Cheng, Robert. (
鄭良偉) 1977. 台灣福建話的語音結構及標音法 (Phonological Structure and Romanization of Taiwanese Hokkian). Taipei: Student Press.Cheng, Robert. (
鄭良偉) 1997. 台語的語音與詞法(Taiwanese Phonology and Morphology). Taipei: Yuanliou Press.Norman, Jerry. 1988. Chinese. Cambridge University Press.
Ong, Ek-tet. (
王育德) 1993. 台灣話講座 (Essays on Taiwanese). Taipei: Independence Press.Tseng, Chin-Chin. 1995. Taiwanese Prosody: An Integrated Analysis of Acoustic and Perceptual Data. University of Hawaii.
Weingartner, F. F. 1970. Tones in Taiwanese. Taipei: Ching Hua Press.
This paper was presented at
The sixth Annual UTA Student Conference in Linguistics
By Wi-Vun Taiffalo Chiung